IRISH HISTORY SINCE 1850
2. An Gorta Mór
3. The Land League
4. Parnell and Home Rule
5. Unionism
6. The Cultural Revival
7. Home Rule
8. The Easter Rebellion
9. The War of Independence
10. The Free State: '20s
11. The Free State: '30s
12. The Troubles: '60s & '70s
13. The Troubles: '80s & '90s
14. The Celtic Tiger
15. Death of the Tiger
16. Sources
The Troubles in the 1980s and 1990s
The 1980s would see a new upsurge in violence. Events would lead to intense periods of rioting, and for the first time, the numbers killed by loyalist paramilitaries would outstrip the figures of those killed by republicans. The Provisional IRA's campaign of bombing, in Northern Ireland and beyond, would lead to ever larger scale bombs and sustained attacks on the economic infrastructure of Britain. Despite all this, the 1980s witnessed political developments that would sow the seeds of the 1990s peace process.
In the early 1970s the British government withdrew special category status from paramilitary prisoners which, until then, had meant that they were not subject to prison rules that applied to ordinary criminals. The paramilitaries, especially the republicans, objected to this. They claimed they were not criminals but prisoners of war and deserved to be treated differently while in prison. Their demands were:
- The right to wear their own clothes
- No prison work
- Freedom of association with other prisoners
- Extra recreational facilities
- More letters and parcels
In 1978 republican prisoners refused to wear prison clothes and began wearing only their bed blankets by way of protest. They complained that because of this protest they were regularly attacked by prison staff, and they intensified their campaign. They refused to leave their cells, wash, or use the toilet facilities. This campaign, the dirty protest, led the prisoners to live in cells covered with their own excreta and other waste. Despite the campaign, and the sympathy that their plight earned, the government was unmoved. In March 1981 the dirty protest was transformed into a hunger strike.
A group of prisoners began refusing food. As the condition of each prisoner deteriorated, new prisoners would also begin fasting. On May 5, 1981, the first hunger striker, Bobby Sands, died. His funeral was attended by 100,000 people, and the British government was criticized across the world for having done nothing to end the dispute.
Shortly after Bobby Sands began his protest, Frank Maguire, an MP in Northern Ireland died. Sands, although fasting in prison, stood in the ensuing election, and won the seat. The first hunger striker to die was then not merely a protestor, but a member of the British parliament.
Although Bobby Sands was elected specifically on the prison protest issue, his victory demonstrated to the republican movement that it could win elections. Sinn Fein had always refused to fight in British parliamentary elections. However, if they could win, as Sands had demonstrated, it would make their demands more legitimate as they would have popular electoral support. Through elections, Sinn Fein understood that it could gain a popular mandate for its policies. From the 1980s Sinn Fein fought, and was successful in, a host of national and local elections.
The response to the hunger strikes in Northern Ireland was violent. In the period of the protest 61 people died in violent incidents. Thirty members of the security forces were killed by the Provisional IRA, and seven civilians were killed by plastic bullets that the security forces fired into the crowds during rioting.
By the time the hunger strikes were called off in October 1981, ten hunger strikers had starved themselves to death.
The Provisional IRA conducted a long war in Northern Ireland against those they considered their enemies on the ground. They understood, however, that such attacks, as they became a daily incident, did not grab the headlines in Britain. If they were to succeed in driving the British out, they had to make the people of Britain question why their government supported the rights of the unionist majority. To do this, the Provisional IRA developed a strategy that was designed to sicken the British people into questioning the government. The policy never worked, but it led to a series of spectacular and devastating attacks on Britain, including:
- 1974: An attack on a coach carrying army personnel in Scotland kills twelve. Pubs in Guildford and Birmingham kill twenty four people. The famous London shop Harrods is also bombed, but no one is killed.
- 1976: A Provisional IRA bomb kills the newly appointed British ambassador to the Irish Republic.
- 1979: The first cousin of the Queen, Earl Mountbatten, is killed while on holiday off the Irish coast. On the same day 18 British soldiers are killed in Newry.
- 1982: The Household Cavalry is targeted as it undertakes ceremonial duties in Hyde Park, London. Two cavalrymen and seven horses are killed.
- 1983: Harrods is again targeted and six people are killed during the Christmas shopping period.
- 1984: The Conservative party conference in Brighton is attacked, and five killed. Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher escapes.
- 1989: In an attack on the base of the Royal Marine band at Deal, in Kent, ten bandsmen are killed.
- 1992: The City of London is targeted. Three are killed and leading finance houses, such as those in the Baltic exchange, are destroyed.
- 1993: Two bombs planted in litter bins in Warrington explode, killing two children.
- 1996: Major attacks on economic targets in Manchester and London's docklands destroy shops and offices.
The use of violence in pursuit of political and ideological goals is always a difficult and emotive issue. While in no way did the Provisional IRA tactics lead them to winning their struggle and driving the British out of Northern Ireland, the high and sustained levels of violence kept the situation in the public spotlight, and brought about political talks aimed at a lasting and peaceful settlement to the problems of all communities in Northern Ireland.
As so many Americans claimed Irish roots, the ongoing struggle in Northern Ireland was of great interest to many of them. While physically detached from the conflict on the streets of Northern Ireland, many of them felt that the IRA was fighting a justifiable struggle that would finally expel the British from the island of Ireland.
The largest single group in Northern Ireland that supported the nationalist cause was NORAID (Irish Northern Aid), which was founded in 1971. Its stated aim was to provide humanitarian assistance to political prisoners and their families, although many in the unionist community have argued that it directly funded the activities of the IRA.
At the political level the Northern Ireland conflict has been a constant feature of life in Washington. Democrats with Irish ties, such as Edward Kennedy and Tip O'Neill, worked to keep Northern Ireland on the American political agenda. Under the Presidency of Bill Clinton (1993--2001) Northern Ireland, and the associated peace process, became a major government initiative, and Clinton was a key element in driving the process forward.
By the start of the 1990s there was a growing feeling in Northern Ireland that some form of resolution to the troubles had to be found. The difficulty was to find some way in which the demands of the different groups could be reconciled. The main political parties involved were:
- SDLP: The main nationalist party, led by John Hume, who believed that a constitutional resolution was the best way forward. They also argued that the Irish Republic had to be included in any solution.
- Sinn Fein: The leading republican party, Sinn Fein had close ties with the IRA. Led by Gerry Adams, Sinn Fein argued that the British should leave Northern Ireland.
- Ulster Unionist Party (UUP): Led by David Trimble, the UUP believed that Northern Ireland should be part of Britain and that the rights of the unionist majority should be respected. However, they also understood that some resolution was required, and that nationalists and republicans who renounced violence should be involved in the governance of Northern Ireland. Until 2005, the UUP was the largest unionist party.
- Democratic Unionist Party (DUP): The DUP has always argued that Northern Ireland is part of Britain and that position is non-negotiable. Led by Ian Paisley, the DUP has consistently argued against Sinn Fein's inclusion in government until the IRA has been disbanded. The DUP has recently become the largest unionist party in Northern Ireland.
In 1993, John Hume and Gerry Adams began talks to try and see if they could jump-start some form of peace process. They issued a series of statements aimed at getting all the other parties to join in and start a debate. The British and Irish governments tried to assist the fledgling peace process with a number of joint agreements. The rapid progress of twists and turns in the road to peace included:
- The Downing Street Declaration, 1993. It stated that Britain no longer had any selfish interest in Northern Ireland, but would protect the will of the majority. The Irish Republic recognized that any Irish self-determination had to have the consent of the majority of the population, including unionists. Both nations committed themselves to peaceful means and the ending of paramilitary violence
- The IRA ceasefire, announced August 1994, and reciprocated by loyalist paramilitaries two months later.
- The Joint Framework document, February 1995. Signed by the British and Irish governments, established a program for the creation of new cross-border institutions and a new government for Northern Ireland.
- November 1995 saw a visit by President Clinton to Northern Ireland to bolster the peace process, and the direct involvement of Senator George Mitchell as head of an international body to oversee decommissioning of paramilitary weapons.
- By January 1996 the IRA believed that the process was stalling and that Sinn Fein were being denied entry to talks. They ended their ceasefire and major explosions were detonated in London.
- During 1996 talks continued between the two governments and the major parties in Northern Ireland. The DUP refused to attend, and Sinn Fein were excluded because of their close links with the IRA.
- In May 1997, Tony Blair was elected Prime Minister in Britain, and immediately authorized talks with Sinn Fein to see how they could be brought into the peace process.
- The IRA announced, in July 1997, the resumption of their ceasefire.
The road to peace in the 1990s was long and hard. The difficulty was to get all the parties involved, and to resolve the issue of the paramilitaries and how they could be turned away from violence. The decommissioning of IRA weapons, and whether this should take place before any talks, was a stumbling block. Also, the refusal of the DUP to join any talks meant that there was a vocal opposition to the process.
In the summer of 1997 all party talks on the future of Northern Ireland began. The DUP still stayed away, but Sinn Fein took their place at the table for the first time. To bypass the tricky topic of decommissioning, an Independent International Commission on Decommissioning was formed that would oversee the destruction of weapons by the paramilitary forces.
The talks were tense, and various parties very uneasy about progress. At various times parties with paramilitary associations, such as Sinn Fein, were excluded for a period of weeks because of renewed acts of violence. To instil confidence in the whole process bodies such as the Parades Commission were established to judge on the routes of contentious marches in Northern Ireland, and in January 1998, Tony Blair announced a new investigation into the events of Bloody Sunday (The Saville Inquiry).
By April 1998 things had reached crisis point. There was a deadline of April 9 for an agreement, and it was unclear for several hours that a deal could be done. On April 10, 1998, Good Friday, it was announced that the Belfast Agreement had been signed. It was endorsed by the majority of Northern Ireland's political parties, and promised a bright new future for everyone.
The Belfast Agreement created the following mechanisms to allow Northern Ireland to move away from its troubled history:
- A Northern Ireland Assembly with legislative powers.
- Power sharing formula that would allow the main parties to nominate ministers.
- A North-South Ministerial Council that allowed for cross-border cooperation.
- Release of all paramilitary prisoners from organizations observing the ceasefire.
- A two-year target for paramilitary decommissioning.
- Reform of the Royal Ulster Constabulary.
- The demilitarization of British army bases in Northern Ireland.
Orange Order parades are a long-standing feature of life in Northern Ireland, but have always been contentious. Many Catholics have objected to the parades passing through their neighborhoods and the sectarian supremacy that they associate with such displays. One of the most contentious parades during the years of the peace process was that at Drumcree. The Catholic residents of the Garvaghy Road objected to its passing through their neighborhood, and staged a sit-down protest to block the parade in 1995. The standoff lasted three days and led to riots across Northern Ireland. In 1996 the parade was initially ordered to be rerouted, but was sent down the Garvaghy Road after a standoff between Orangemen and troops. The parade has remained contentious ever since, although since 1998 its route has been changed by the Parades Commission. Four Catholic deaths in the surrounding area were attributed to loyalist paramilitaries supporting the Orange Order stand between 1995 and 1998.
The Agreement initially got off to a great start when it was ratified by large majorities in referenda that were held in Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic. Since then however the deal has been plagued with problems. Although there have been acts of IRA decommissioning, these have not been enough to satisfy unionist critics. On September 26, 2005, the IRA announced that it had decommissioned all its arms.
The police force was reformed, and the Police Service of Northern Ireland brought into being in 2001. However, the new force has failed to gain the support of many nationalists and criticisms remain in some quarters that policing in Northern Ireland is still not serving both sides of the community.
The Assembly has sat at various times, but has now spent more months in a state of collapse than it has sitting. With a steady polarization of politics between Sinn Fein and the DUP, a division that was reinforced in the 2005 British general election, the successful implementation of the agreement looks a long way off. Since becoming the largest unionist party, the DUP has constantly argued that the whole agreement should be renegotiated. The Assembly has been suspended on several occasions, the longest suspension being from October 14, 2002 until May 7, 2007, a period of over four and a half years. When the Assembly was suspended, its powers reverted to the Northern Ireland Office. Following talks that resulted in the St Andrews Agreement being accepted in November 2006, an election to the Assembly was held on March 7, 2007 and full power was restored to the devolved institutions on May 8, 2007.
One of the main aims of the whole peace process was to remove the paramilitaries from the streets. It was argued that while such organizations, whether republican or loyalist, existed there could be no development of a peaceful democratic society.
The Troubles in Northern Ireland have led directly to the awarding of two separate Nobel Peace Prizes. The first was awarded in 1977 to Betty Williams and Mairead Corrigan, the founders of the Northern Ireland Peace movement. They had come together in response to the death of Corrigan's niece and nephews. They were killed when a car driven by a member of the Provisional IRA was shot dead by the Army, and the car ran into them. The women staged a series of rallies across Ireland and Britain demanding peace in Northern Ireland. The second award was made in 1998 to John Hume of the SDLP and David Trimble of the Ulster Unionist Party for their role in the peace talks that led to the signing of the Belfast Agreement (which is also often referred to as the Good Friday Agreement; the day on which it was signed).
It is clear that many involved in the different paramilitary organizations have embraced the peace process and do want to create a peaceful Northern Ireland. However, there is much suspicion. Many people, on either side, are wary of the motives of the paramilitaries as they moved into the political sphere. While the number of deaths, bombings, and attacks has reduced significantly, there is a feeling that the work of the paramilitaries is ongoing. Both sides have engaged in punishment beatings, and there is a constant suspicion that some have been involved in criminal activity.
The IRA made a major move on the decommissioning front in October 2003 and began putting weapons beyond use, but this was not the complete end to the armed struggle that unionists wished to see. In July 2005, the IRA formally announced the end of its armed campaign, and stated that it would pursue exclusively peaceful means. While Gerry Adams called the move a "courageous and confident initiative" and Tony Blair said it was a "step of unparalleled magnitude," the unionists were less convinced. They stated that they would not allow entry of Sinn Fein into government and the restoration of government in Northern Ireland until they had seen evidence of complete decommissioning.
The attacks on America in 2001 had a profound effect on the politics of Northern Ireland. Whereas the IRA had found some support in the United States for their struggle, the announcement of a worldwide war on terror after 9/11 altered the status of the IRA. In August 2001 three Irishmen were arrested in Colombia on suspicion of training the Revolutionary Armed Forces of the country's Marxist rebels. Although originally acquitted, the Irishmen were found guilty after an appeal court reversed the earlier verdict. While on bail, the men fled Colombia, and re-entered the Irish Republic in 2005. In the context of American foreign policy after 9/11 the Colombian-Irish link was troubling. The Irishmen were identified as either Sinn Fein or IRA members and, if the charges were true, their presence in Colombia represented part of the American defined network of terror. The changing global politics after 9/11 have meant that the IRA is viewed with suspicion in America, and there has been great pressure on the IRA to move quickly into the political arena.